“Evolutionists are divided between two major theories. One claim argues that the first human–ape transitional form emerged in Africa. Around two million years ago, Homo erectus supposedly spread from there to the rest of the world. After this first wave, more than a hundred thousand years ago, Homo sapiens—the ancestor of modern humans—left Africa and colonized the globe. Being stronger and more intelligent, Homo sapiens overpowered their weaker, simpler predecessors, Homo erectus, and became the sole dominant species on Earth.

The second claim proposes a very different story: that primitive ape populations living in separate regions—Asia, Africa, Europe—evolved locally into intermediate forms. This idea, known as the multiregional hypothesis, suggests that different groups evolved independently toward humanity. Yet despite its defenders, the first theory—Africa as the cradle of humanity—remains the one most widely accepted.”

Homo erectus—the fossil once introduced as the “Java Man”—was later said to have evolved first into Homo heidelbergensis in Europe, and then into Neanderthalensis. According to this narrative, the Homo sapiens who left Africa a hundred thousand years ago encountered the Neanderthals, fought them, and eventually drove them to extinction.

Evolutionists also attributed certain primitive tools to these species: crude, round, hand-sized objects called Oldowan tools to Homo erectus, and sharper, more sophisticated Acheulean tools to Homo sapiens. These Acheulean tools were found across Africa, Europe, and the Middle East, yet mysteriously absent beyond the Far Eastern frontier. What prevented that so-called advanced species from moving further east?

Even stranger was the research on fossils found in Australia—bones thought to belong to a transitional form, dated to sixty thousand years old.

Mark interrupted.
“So we can imagine Homo sapiens eventually reaching the far edge of the continent over thousands of years. But believing that some primitive species crossed hundreds of kilometers of ocean to reach Australia—that’s difficult to accept.”

“You’re right,” William replied. “That very dilemma gave birth to the multiregional hypothesis.”

He paused, then added:
“Both theories are riddled with problems. If we take the fossils at face value, Neanderthals appear stronger, more robust, and—with their larger brains—potentially more intelligent than Homo sapiens. So why did they lose the war? No one can answer that.”

“Meanwhile, supporters of the multiregional idea can’t explain how, independently and simultaneously, primitive apes across distant continents all happened to evolve into similar intermediate forms.”

William leaned back, his tone darkening:
“And we shouldn’t ignore the subtext. Some proponents use multiregional evolution as a scaffold for racial ideology. They insinuate that the so-called white race ‘won’ a primordial struggle, and that others—being the descendants of ‘losing branches’—are meant to serve them. The implication is chilling: resist, and like failed species, you’ll vanish from history. Today, the rhetoric is mostly aimed at Africans, but it doesn’t take a genius to see where it will eventually go.”

He continued:
“A third theory surfaced later. In Greece, a fossil was discovered whose features were split—part resembling Homo erectus, part resembling Homo sapiens. Some researchers seized on this, claiming that the two species didn’t merely fight each other; they interbred, creating hybrid forms.”

Süleyman grinned.
“I have an objection,” he said.

“First: two separate species cannot merge into one. Even if they are very close biologically. Let’s assume they somehow interbreed. Remember the horse and the donkey—yes, they produce a mule, but the offspring is sterile, incapable of carrying its lineage forward. And a mule has its own distinct anatomical structure. You wouldn’t see a creature whose front half is a horse and its rear half a donkey, the way some claim of that fossil in Greece. So calling it a hybrid simply doesn’t align with biological reality. If certain evolutionists insisted on that explanation, they weren’t doing science—they were telling myths.”

Dr. William smiled faintly.
“From what I’ve said so far, you may already think the theory of evolution is a patchwork of forced interpretations, contradictions, and convenient assumptions. But the real shock came after DNA analysis.”

Mark raised an eyebrow.
“Wait—are you implying they managed to extract DNA from fossils tens of thousands of years old? How would living cells survive that long?”

“People often assume DNA is something alive,” William said. “It isn’t. DNA is just a molecule—non-living. That’s why forensic teams can analyze saliva, semen, blood samples weeks, months, even years after a crime.

Human DNA is 99.9% identical across our species. The remaining 0.1% is what shapes our facial structure, eye color, skin tone, intelligence, and susceptibility to illness. In that sense, every human is distantly related, tracing back tens or hundreds of thousands of years.

That is precisely why DNA analysis matters in fossil research. If a fossil truly represents a transitional form between ape and human, it should show a high degree of similarity to humans. Considering we share 98.4% similarity with chimpanzees, a transitional specimen should fall somewhere between 98.4 and 99.9 percent.

Of course, DNA similarity alone cannot be the sole criterion—humans share roughly 98% similarity with algae.”

Mark smirked.
“Well, if you ask me, humans look more like gorillas and orangutans—and according to evolutionists, they’re part of our family tree. Do we share the same level of similarity with them?”

“That is the curious part,” William said.
“No, we do not. Not even close. Which means, statistically speaking, the similarity between humans and chimpanzees does not actually support the evolutionary narrative.”

He paused, letting the implication settle. The room felt colder.

“For the last half-century, scientists have been trying to recover DNA molecules from fossils. But it must be the correct DNA.

Just as a crime-scene investigator works carefully to avoid contaminating evidence with their own hair or skin, the same principle applies here. When samples are analyzed, the first step is to eliminate any DNA belonging to the investigators. Only after removing that contamination can the remaining sequences be considered suspect.

The same method is applied to fossils: DNA belonging to the person who excavated the specimen must first be eliminated. What remains is then examined. And if molecules are extracted from deep inside the fossil, the chance of accidentally collecting a foreign DNA sample becomes extremely small.”

Mark leaned back.
“So when was DNA first analyzed from a fossil?”

“In 1987,” William replied. “A group of scientists worked with what they called the molecular clock—mitochondrial DNA. Wilson and his team concluded that the first humans emerged in Africa within the last 140,000 years.

Fifteen years later, in Munich, researchers managed to extract DNA from a Neanderthal arm bone. The result was… unsettling. The DNA resembled no known species—nor did it resemble modern humans.

Later, Swedish researchers analyzed mitochondrial DNA again and reported that humans spread from Africa around one hundred thousand years ago, with a global population no greater than ten thousand at the time.

Another study, from 2001, examined fossils known as the ancient Mungo people of Australia. Evolutionists claimed the Mungo individuals were anatomically identical to modern humans. But the DNA analysis revealed no connection between them and us.”

Süleyman finally spoke.
“So what should we make of these four different fossil-DNA studies?”

“Isn’t it obvious?” William replied, his tone sharpened.

“The first three studies suggested that humans originated in Africa and then spread across the world. More importantly—if Neanderthals or the Mungo individuals were truly transitional forms, their DNA would resemble modern humans. But it doesn’t. At all.

That alone collapses the evolutionary framework. And if the multi-regional hypothesis were correct—if rival hominids fought, and only the victorious lineage survived—then fossils from two distant regions, Europe and Australia, should share some genetic link with us. But neither does.

In fact, the DNA of the Neanderthal and the Mungo specimens matches no living species on Earth. Which supports the opposing view: that these fossils represent extinct species—not ancestral humans.”

He paused, allowing the weight of his words to sink in—an academic verdict delivered with the blunt finality of an execution.

Dr. William had nearly finished, when he suddenly added, “Before I forget.”

“Many scientists believe the first humans emerged from Africa. But some geneticists argue otherwise. Certain variant genes appear among Asians and Australian Aboriginal populations, yet are absent in Africans. Because of this, some researchers suggest that the origin of humanity may, in fact, be Asia. Moreover, mitochondrial DNA analyses are not definitive; depending on which samples you take, the results can point you toward Africa, Asia, or even Australia. So we cannot categorically accept that humanity originated in Africa.”

Mark smiled and interjected,
“So we can say DNA analysis destroyed the theory of evolution?”

William brushed the air with his hand, dismissively.
“That happened long ago. Consider what I’ve already explained. Without repeating myself: the scarcity of fossil specimens; the failure to account for anatomical variation between different human populations; the fact that many discoverers refused to allow other researchers to examine their finds; the endless excuses to avoid proper dating techniques; the constant ‘updating’ of evolutionary models; and the inability of evolutionists to maintain internal consistency—these are enough to expose the cracks. But let me state a few realities plainly.

First: If you find a fossil with a curved spine, like a chimpanzee, yet capable of standing upright, you cannot immediately label it a transitional species. Heavy labor, disease, or injury can deform the spine. A misaligned or poorly healed bone can distort anatomical proportions. And of course, the fossil may simply belong to an extinct species—nothing more.

Second: The growth and development of every creature can be shaped mechanically before adulthood. Orthodontists correct skeletal anomalies in teeth. Cranial sutures can be manipulated to enlarge the skull. And this wasn’t only done by ‘modern civilized’ people—ancient tribes practiced such manipulation centuries ago. Even today, tribes in Asia place rings around the neck to lengthen it. Others wear mechanical devices to tilt the frontal bone of the skull at a forty-five-degree angle. Centuries later, if someone excavates their remains, they may declare them a transitional species—based solely on elongated spines and angled skulls. That is why we cannot label every anatomically unusual fossil as a missing link.”

“Third,” William continued, “as I’ve said before, we possess very few fossils—and those we do have are scattered across continents, not unearthed from the same region, nor even the same era. If, for example, two fossils had been discovered from the same site, separated by a mere hundred thousand years, we might observe anatomical changes and evaluate claims of evolution more accurately. But they don’t. Fossils appear randomly, across different regions of the world, separated by time gaps that can reach half a million years. Under such circumstances, accurate interpretation becomes nearly impossible.

Fourth: Evolutionists claim that the first modern humans emerged from Africa roughly a hundred thousand years ago. Yet human fossils dated at three hundred thousand years were found in India. One source claims the earliest human fossils were discovered in South Africa, dating back one hundred twenty thousand years. Another says a hundred thousand years ago—in the Middle East. When we cannot even determine when the first humans appeared, how can we confidently evaluate evolutionary claims?”

William was ready to continue, but Mark interrupted, weary of the lecture.
“Screw the damn fossils and the evolution debate. Tell us who set you up—and why.”

William sighed. “I expected you to guess,” he said, then continued:

“The Munich scientists who dealt the fatal blow to the theory of evolution by conducting DNA analysis on Neanderthal bones—they only came together because of my insistence.”

“So you're saying evolution theorists set you up?” Süleyman asked.

“No, no. Yes, there are people among them who despise religion and despise me. But I don’t believe they’d stoop to criminal tactics. There are darker forces—forces that exploit evolution as a pretext to polarize humanity into believers and unbelievers, to ignite conflict across the Earth.”

“And who are these Dark Forces?” Süleyman asked.

William gave them a meaningful look.
“You two know better than I do.”

“Fine then,” Mark said. “Let’s start with the Munich scientists. Maybe someone threatened them.”

“No,” William replied. “You don’t yet understand. I’m talking about a second Piltdown fraud—one ignored by the media—engineered under the influence of those same dark forces.”

“You’ve been talking since morning,” Süleyman muttered, “and you’re still saying you haven’t even reached what you really want to tell us.”

William nodded, unfazed.
“It all began three years ago—after the earthquake in the Indian Ocean and the tsunami that followed.”